IDSB10 Stage 4 ( 4 pages submitted by Mina)

Part 1:

In order to have a comparative analysis we need to be asking the who, what why and how questions in each case in order to determine common ground among who participated in social movements, why they participated, how they participated using Information communications technologies and finally what were the outcomes of their dissidence.  Some of the limitations in our research stems from attempting to answer the ‘how’ and ‘what’ aspects of analysis.

The how aspect was especially difficult for me to answer because I found it difficult to find sources on how the government restricted access to internet, in terms of slowing down broadband speed, limits of ICT infrastructures, etc. especially since these autocratic governments are very secretive about such information, since they do not want to threaten their own rule by attracting hackers into their ICT control mechanisms. As was illustrated in the Saudi Arabian case, the twitter accounts of the women 2 drive movement were being infiltrated by government officials yet they could not take down the video of Manal Al Sharif driving on Youtube as this video did not violate the terms and conditions of Youtube community , ie it was not ‘red flag’ material, it was simply an opinion being expressed freely, something that was very common to the Youtube community(Najaf, 43). Moreover, this video was already viewed by hundreds of thousands of people worldwide and it was probably saved many times to be uploaded again and again if in fact it was taken down. In the case of Saudi Arabia, we can clearly see how this movement took shape, since it received large international attention, and Manal shared her story on Al Jazeera news channel, further broadcasting the message loud and clear. With regards to Iran, it seems more difficult to determine how this movement came about, as it was relatively leaderless and it seemed to be targeting a very controversial and sensitive issue such as gay and lesbian rights in a very right wing, religious fanatical society where something as basic as consensual heterosexual adultery/prostitution is punishable by death. Moreover, Iran has a history of repressing citizen led uprisings (Bayat 345). The literature suggested that Iranian LGBQ youth are more inclined to want to belong to a particular community, since their sexuality is shunned upon in ‘traditional’ Iranian society, which makes them search for alternatives ways of self-expression that is not controlled by the state, such as the notorious underground fashion shows  and night clubs held secretively underground late at night where local youth gather, expand their social network physically and also via social network sites ( Bayat, 332). This in of itself is a mini-revolution in that they youth can get away with such rebellious acts in public places yet disguised as ‘private’, thereby illustrating their own ability to infiltrate into the state’s control of public sphere, in a sense mocking the state (Bayat 334).  The rebellious nature of the Iranian youth was one point/factor that I wished to look more deeply into and therefore decided to do a bit more background research than was provided by my fellow colleague, which I think helped in making sense of why the LGBTQ movement was so secretive not only because of social ostracism but rather more interesting reason, perhaps because they could in a sense delve into the ‘public’ without actually being  in the ‘public eye’, illustrating their ability to challenge the state in creative ways.  Nonetheless the similarities I found between the Iranian and Saudi Arabian case was a shared sense of belonging and identity formation in terms of the target demographic which were both at risk populations of women and LGBTQ community. However this concept of shared awareness can be extended to Syria as well in terms of Pan-Arabism, which is the idea that what goes on in one Arab country, the ripple effects are felt miles away in another Arab country, with the binding force being their shared Arab identity which was made possible via online social networks at lightening speed as we saw Egypt being ‘inspired’ by the Tunisian Struggle for independence ( the icon that emerged from the impoverished street vendor who set himself on fire because he did not have a steady income to support his family and prospects for the future looked grim).  However as the next section will illustrate in comparison to the North American group, the bottom line behind this sense of shared awareness is deeper than societal issues such as unemployment which plague the Arab nations presently, rather it is more based on an elemental feeling of restoring their dignity and respect as citizens of the country they call home.

The what is evidently difficult to answer with the existing literature as the events are ongoing in all three countries. Clearly the struggle for the right to drive is long-term struggle even after the right to drive is granted, since the focus then becomes broader women’s rights in other facets of everyday life such as entrepreneurship as was illustrated by Ahmad (610). In Iran, it seems as thought there is much more  that needs to be done, even though as the personal account of Saman illustrates that change has already occurred through the way the youth are ‘protesting’ their individuality through modes of dress, imitating the west. This is perhaps the most valuable source of information as it describes first hand account of the changes amongst the way the youth in Iran portray themselves.  Syria of course as is being heard on the news still struggling to make the demands of the people come to fruition, with Bashar Assad adamant on holding onto the throne of power, therefore there is no complete literature on this issue as it has not ended yet and even rights were to be granted, there would be broader societal issues to deal with such as a power vacuum in Syria’s case after Assad leaves.

To some extent the who is also missing in the literature as was indicated in Iran, in the number of youth who took part in the uprisings to be more of an overarching movement rather than a concentrated group of youth in a given location, therefore it is difficult to count how many were involved in the movement.  Whereas in Saudi Arabia every woman who physically takes part in driving, is arrested by moral police so this way we can keep track of how many women are actively participating in the movement, but still not how many are involved in some form of ‘slactivism’ as this is not simply about the number of people who like a page on facebook, but rather about those who do not have access to the internet on a regular basis but hear of the movement from word of mouth and verbally perhaps support it. Moreover adding to this gap in the literature, there seems to be a digital divide not only with regards to age of individuals who partook in the movements in the Middle East, but also to who has access to the internet, perhaps those who are middle class- upper class citizens (as was illustrated in the Iran case and in the description of Manal Al Sharif as a young educated woman with a professional job )(Najaf, 43).

Part 2:

As was alluded to earlier, in comparison with the North American group it was found that the underlying similarity was that there was a struggle for rights, just as much as the Middle East cases were struggle for rights and moreover about dignity and respect for the individual. There was one exception to this rule in the North American group namely the case regarding the Tar sands which was an environmental issue rather than human rights.  However, all other cases mirrored individual rights focused on at risk groups such as students, LGBTQ community, women and indigenous groups. 

The long-term goals of the bilingual national student union CFS and the Tar sands organization were illustrative of the similarities with the Middle Eastern cases where all of the cases were long-term goals , whereas the Women’s rights case and the Maine case goals were heavily determined by the national election, which happened November 6^th, meaning the Women’s organization was partisan favouring a political party based on its mandate and needs. This is one point of contestation between the Middle East cases and the North American case as in the case of the middle east, there is no political party that is willing to side with the concerns of the individuals, especially since they are individuals and are not conglomerate organizations that are well known, ‘national’ organization such as the bilingual national student union.  Obviously such democratic opportunities are not available to the individual citizens who literally have to rely on bottom-up approaches to put pressure on the government for changes.

The usage of similar technology such as twitter, facebook, and other social media sites were evident amongst both Middle Eastern countries and North American citizens, the major difference being that the North American cases were all facebook pages of organizations with formal leadership that pressured government in a democratic form of opposition, which was supported through the democratic system of governance. Nonetheless,  it is important to mention that knowledge is power and it leads to active citizenship, relying on the definition of knowledge economy and citizenship as was defined by Von Lieres as being the right to demand rights and the former being the ability to base the economy not on something that is produced by labour outputs as in market economy but rather to produce knowledge as the final product by advancing society and being on the lookout for ways to make people happy and productive through the free flow of knowledge. Therefore activists in both regions are knowledgeable and value the importance of sharing knowledge freely if it is for the benefit of society at large.

Personal reflection:

I learned quite a lot from comparing case studies and the roles that Information communication technologies played in citizen-led movements within the region. I enjoyed doing research on my own case study and finding the linkages in terms of the motivations behind such movements to other Arab movements.  I had textbook definitions of  various terminology such as pan-Arabism, and also listening to Hani Morsi’s discussion on ‘slactivism’, however to actually see comments on facebook pages which illustrate this sense of Arab unity in practice rather than simply in theory and the term slactivism which goes hand in hand with the facebook comments of support ( given that online activism is considered a form of slactivism) illustrated to me that both of these terms are key factors in motivating the individuals in all the cases both within our group and in the North American group to demand rights from the state which they believe are not being accorded to them.  The practical evidence of such motivation was very satisfying to me as a researcher trying to find an answer to who, what, why and how these movements occurred.   In this sense this experience was different form other classes in that I felt like I was somewhat of an on site ethnographer if you will, since the main tool these individuals used was the internet and social network sites like facebook and twitter where they had pages set up that were constantly being updated, and of course which I had access to…so it was as if I was listening into their conversations, which further illustrates  as we’ve learned, the beauty of the web2.0 experience, with multiple individuals, groups collaborating towards advancing a common cause with of course the world as audience.  

Moreover, I think I learned quite a bit from comparing my own case study to those in my group and then comparing our collective group summary to the North American  group’s collective summary of cases. I came to the overall conclusion that the social movements both in the Middle East and North America are very similar in terms of their motives which seems to be to demand dignity , this is evident in the goals of the organizations in the North American group, even though one of the main differences was the fact that the north American group had more of a top-down approach rather than bottom-up/grassroots, with the exception of the Maine example, in that the organizations were the unit of study rather than individual people or groups of people without a formal mobilization or group name striving for change as was the case in the Middle East, with Saudi Arabia’s Manal Al Sharif being the torchbearer for women’s right to drive, in Iran there was no formal mobilization for the Gay and Lesbian movement perhaps for fear of being persecuted on such a controversial and sensitive issue in strict society, and in Syria of course the individuals who wish to oust the regime are scattered throughout the country, and are large in number, in fact the largest citizen led movement from our group, since it does not confined to any demographic specification, whereas the Saudi Arabia, Iranian and North American examples were targeted towards disenfranchised groups in society.

In terms of the group aspect of this project, I think it was challenging in the sense that it was very difficult to maintain an effective and ongoing conversations on the course wiki. In my opinion the difficulty lies with the task of applying oneself and being held accountable on one’s own terms to log in every once a while and contribute to the group process, which I felt I myself needed to work on, but nonetheless this was an experience and we decided to keep this an online experience rather than having to meet physically, but found it to be very difficult and perhaps we would have benefited if we could meet physically.  

     The new wave of technology has brought about new thoughts on higher learning and communication platforms that function not for the people but with the people. Knowledge as a basis for economic growth and reform is how many are starting to look at the world and if they aren’t it are being forced on them. The Middle East countries of Syria, Iran and Saudi Arabia are most definitely becoming aware of its impact. Syria and Iran have both seen the change; the youth population has self-educated through the use of knowledge commons. In Iran there were questions of what exactly was going on with regards to the sexual revolution. These questions were easily answered through Internet connections and person-to-person interaction over web 2.0 forums. These open platforms and communication lines are the basis for ‘slacktavism’ and the mobilization of people for a greater cause (Clay Shirky, The political power of social media). This source of communication is not always for the political change for the change in freedoms. Not everyone in Syria is fighting toward the political change but for the rights that they have been refused up to this point in the long reign of the Assad regime. In each of the cases the government as slowly realized this power that they gave to the people and has tried to restrict it. The increase in restrictions increases the unrest that is boiling in the countries people turning those bloggers into activists. The technologically able middle class with a sense of how things should be run and the change that they want to see will then poor into the streets to seek the change. It turns from a virtual square to the public square (Hani Moris).

     Next we can take a look into the different connections within the communities and people in theses cases as well as from case to case. There are many elements to touch on here. One being the extreme views of the governments prohibiting very minor but also large-scale ideas from being viewed as acceptable for the country to abide by. Certain groups, mainly young people, have connected in each case. It is the young, educated, and technologically savvy people that are taking on most of the weight ideologically in these cases. These young people have seen the western examples and the mistakes of their parents to just agree to such restrictions that their people abide by. The people of the revolutions want change, they are optimistic about a new set of ideologies to govern and improve the state of human rights in their countries. This is the true form of mobilization and citizenship with these countries that each has in common with the next.

            It is also important to look beyond the certain technologies and basic means of communication lines that are being used. There needs to be a stronger sense of communication for an idea to grow and form in someone’s mind. This idea cannot be just the voice of the protestors it has to be the sound of the revolution. In each study there are main messages, women’s right to drive, Iranian’s right to sexual expression, and Syrian’s right to freedom of speech in a democratic like environment. These are central issues being regurgitated by the protestors but they are not just that, they are forms of ideas. The ideas that drive social and non- social relations, these ideas that will hopefully form the countries ideologies. They are all searching for equal rights. 

     Where there may be a lacking presence of Web 2.0 there is a strong blog community in each study particularly with Iran and Syria. The issues are being put out there by anyone and everyone with a voice but of course there is a great deal more attention put on the educated and thoughtful bloggers. So much attention is put on these individuals that there have been multiple murders and kidnappings when things get a little too heated online. The people organize because they are all under the same pressures with regards to their restrictions on their citizenship. They are trying to regain the power that the state has taken away from them. It is this power that everyone is always trying to look for in non- democratic states that are not China. The conflicts are coming because of the wide spread communication and the good word of democracy or freedom being heard. This word is the one that gives the individual some semblance of an idea to make his or her own free choices. The web has allowed for this to happen on a basis outside of state law and once it has been experienced it is difficult to deny within the contexts of day-to-day life within the state. As long as the majority continues to pursue the freedoms of communication commons there will always be conflict within restrictive regimes. 

Stage 4 Personal Reflections

The process overall has been a success. Individually I have learned a lot about my case study with regards to the course material. The collaboration has been difficult but once stage three was complete it really showed me more about my case study in relation to my other group members. It is still quite difficult to organize online to meet deadlines and come up with collaborative ideas. There is a certain back and forth that is missed from sitting in the same room with someone and ‘spitballing’ ideas. It is easier to organize and publish work together online as it is already being compiled as you post it on the given space. Comparisons, necessary cuts and edits can all be made once every piece of information is present on the page. Seeing everything together, ideas as they develop and this sort of editing process is much more beneficial and most definitely how our generation works rather than the paper edit. Online it is also a lot easier to be very straight with people on what they are doing right or wrong and there is no doddling around the point.

In terms of any improvement that could be made on the process I believe that there is little that could be done to improve it. The main issues I would say would be the lack of communication, or live chat, the structure of the project being very similar between stages and the overall point on drawing comparisons. The lack of communication could perhaps be solved through a video talk being subscribed as a component of the project, perhaps with the TA or professor included as a question answer in real time. The structure of the project could be improved by perhaps being less of a cumulative project and more on a specific topic that was covered in the course. I think it was harder to make comparisons among group members because they may have taken it a different way with regards to different course material that they were relating to their topic. Although the lack of participation from my original group may have also been the problem because of the formation the ‘super group’ that got off to a late start. It is really dependent on the people in the group whether you can really explore the ‘next level’ of the online learning experience. I think there should be an aspect of the course that is in a class room setting. At the end of this reflection the point remains that there is something still missing in online learning and something that we always will need is person-to-person communication. That is why the next innovation in technology has been into video chatting and hologram images, it’s those facial expressions and quick banter that really makes people click and explore further into the topics they are discussing.

The instruction for this course was really well planned out on a week to week basis. The lesson plans were very straight forward and readings were well related. I believe the lectures offered a better understanding of concepts and points that were being followed rather than some of the vague readings. It was extremely helpful to have interviews or pieces from people in the field, ie Hani Moris and others. There could have been more of a break down on overall concepts, sometimes the 'tech talk' was a little lost on me personally. There were a lot of new terms and ideas that could have been explained in further detail. 

 connor

(1)To what extant did the literature you consulted (as well as materials from the course) assist you in interpreting the case studies you assembled? In particular, did the explanations or narratives of the roles of ICT in enabling citizen actions and rights claiming fit with your case studies? What are the limitations in the literature you consulted and how would your case studies enrich the literature or current thinking about social media and citizen actions.  

Which group should we look at for the 2nd question? Or maybe we should work the other way around?? What are some "lessons" or concepts we have learned about technology (in terms of locational context), and which groups do you think will provide proof for those lessons.

Put suggestions and brief reason why below. Let's come to a decision by Friday?:

• North America: Findings look organized (it will be easy to go through), complete opposite to our group (e.g. most of their case studies seem to be about organizations
• Yes, I think this would be a good comparison simply because it would be interesting to see the citizen-led movements of North America ( regraded as a region of the world associated with upholding values of democracy, inclusivity etc, especially important since many in the Arab world are demanding those very rights and looking towards these regions as inspiration for their own movements (Mina) 

Stage 4:

Hey lovely people. Thought that we should get the ball rolling with the final stage. Here are the instructions:

This stage entails a report (written collectively by group members) summarizing the findings as well as assessing the appropriate theories and literature (from the bibliography compiled) for the data and observations collected by the group. At this stage you will also want to review the findings of your classmates and their respective geographical areas, to draw comparisons within your own work.  What limitations are present in the existing literature on this topic? What are your conclusions about the role of ICT in facilitating citizen actions and democracy? (12 pages; 15-20+ annotated sources)

It's to be completed by December 4th (it's 15/30 marks).

We have to tackle 3 questions in this report:

• (1)To what extant did the literature you consulted (as well as materials from the course) assist you in interpreting the case studies you assembled? In particular, did the explanations or narratives of the roles of ICT in enabling citizen actions and rights claiming fit with your case studies? What are the limitations in the literature you consulted and how would your case studies enrich the literature or current thinking about social media and citizen actions.  
• Summarize our case studies
• Indicate the literature and course concepts/materials used in relation to our case studies 
• What are your ideas on how we answer this? Should this be done individually? And then brought together??
•  And how do cultural and political contexts play in terms of the generality of some of the existing explanations. In other words, are there culturally or politically unique circumstances that resist generalizations, and if so, what specific lessons can be drawn?
• We need to look at the findings of other regions by our classmate; I would suggest cultural/political foil (perhaps North America?)
• Should each of use be responsible of looking at the findings of 1 group? Or should we all be pick one group and divide the paragraphs?? Should we all summarize the findings and then cross reference?
• Then we compare. Suggestions on how this should be done?
• An important analytic dimension of the exercise is the validity of the comparative exercise. Do you think the case studies and approach (group work, online collaboration, distributed effort etc.)  we have taken allowed you to answer the questions above. How would you improve on the process? In other words, this is really a reflective component of the exercise, and this is where individual viewpoint could be expressed more directly.
• Individual reflection, this is pretty much complete it whenever/however you like but get it in by December 3rd/4th
• Prof. Chan suggests 1.5 pages each for this section   

Stage 3: Case Study Comparison Amongst Group Members

Mapping:

Comparing:

Abrab & Non-Arab Comparison Matrix 

Lets first look at the political situations in each case. The Saudi government has not undergone any drastic change in regime or political movements over the past few decades. The country is still essentially governed by religion and overall represents a sort of totalitarian government (BBC NEWS | Middle East | Saudi Arabia: Political overview. BBC News - Home. N.p., n.d. Web. 16 Nov. 2012). Many of the shops and markets are required to close down five times a day for prayer and continue to view strict religious practices ("BBC News - Iran's revolution turns 30." BBC News - Home. N.p., n.d. Web. 16 Nov. 2012). This is similar in Iran. There is no drinking, and no sex before marriage. The rule of religion is quite relevant and practiced everywhere in the country. However Iran has undergone a sort of revolution in June 2009 when the presidential election was claimed by the people to be rigged ("The Arab Spring: 2011." Middle East Conflict. Ed. Jennifer Stock. 2nd ed. Vol. 1. Detroit: U*X*L, 2012. 327-355. Global Issues In Context. Web. 16 Nov. 2012). What will differ between these cases and Syria is that their revolutions or change in regime or political monarchy are all socially accepted to be the norm and what is right for their country despite some small flaws. Syria’s people are search for a major reform in government and in human rights laws for the country. The human rights issues are what make the individual cases similar to one another. Iranian rights to explore whichever sexual preference they may have like any other person might, Sadi’s women wanting to drive like any other person can, and Syria wanting the freedom to say what they what when they want just like any person should. Of course this is all speaking through words of a westerner. However there are general human rights that are widely accepted and clearly not being practiced in these three political settings.

            Next we can take a look into the different connections within the communities and people in theses cases as well as from case to case. There are many elements to touch on here. One being the extreme views of the governments prohibiting very minor but also large-scale ideas from being viewed as acceptable for the country to abide by. Certain groups, mainly young people, have connected in each case. It is the young, educated, and technologically savvy people that are taking on most of the weight ideologically in these cases. These young people have seen the western examples and the mistakes of their parents to just agree to such restrictions that their people abide by. The people of the revolutions want change, they are optimistic about a new set of ideologies to govern and improve the state of human rights in their countries. This is the true form of mobilization and citizenship with these countries that each has in common with the next.

            It is also important to look beyond the certain technologies and basic means of communication lines that are being used. There needs to be a stronger sense of communication for an idea to grow and form in someone’s mind. This idea cannot be just the voice of the protestors it has to be the sound of the revolution. In each study there are main messages, women’s right to drive, Iranian’s right to sexual expression, and Syrian’s right to freedom of speech in a democratic like environment. These are central issues being regurgitated by the protestors but they are not just that, they are forms of ideas. The ideas that drive social and non- social relations, these ideas that will hopefully form the countries ideologies. They are all searching for equal rights.

Summary of comparison/contrast of case studies (By Mina) 

Manal Al Sharif is exercising her citizenship as a Saudi ‘Daughter’ (in the words of the  Saudi citizen’s themselves) by trying to make her own life more easier let alone fellow Saudi women in her protests against the government’s informal ban of women drivers.  The fact that her only motivation behind this movement was to make her life more efficient (namely driving..the act of which the government officials find morally degrading is what makes her value her own life more than what the state ‘perceives’ as morally degrading, perception is the word used because there is no formal laws in place that prohibit women from driving (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-16011926) . Secondly the fact that government officials namely the police are the ones whom are held above the law when they continue to arrest women who get behind the wheel even though it is not illegal for a woman to drive, is what makes not only the women who are arrested seem like second class citizens but any other section of the population whom are not law enforcers/officers, because the question then becomes what precedent does the behavior of these so called ‘law enforcers’  set for any other minority group within Saudi population, when they can arrest anyone they ‘think’ is violating laws/codes of conduct.  Must be reiterated that these officers/police are also citizens (no more nor less) of the same country bound to the same rules and regulations or are they?

Below is an excerpt from the website: www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/1679/letter-from-saudi-citizens-calling-on-king-to-free

“Article 38 of the Basic Law states: there should be no personal or criminal punishment that is not based on a religious or official decree; and since women’s driving is not prohibited by any official law or religious law, then a woman should not be arrested for driving her car given that no person's actions can be restricted, nor can he be stopped or imprisoned, except through legal decreases as is stipulated in Article 38.“   

This illustrates that this movement should not be seen as a revolt against the government, in the same way that a minority group may demand rights from an authoritarian regime ruling with an iron fist. It is only considered a revolution/uprising when there clear rights stated in the constitution that are not being upheld/followed illustrated in the daily struggles of individuals (ie, a government does not follow through with its fundamental promises to the people as stated in its rule book/constitution). In this case since there are no laws in which the state prohibits women from driving in Saudi Arabia, there cannot be a revolt in the traditional sense (ie. what is going on in Syria). Rather, this women to drive movement, also known as right to dignity movement is challenging the very ways in which government authorities conceptualize women and women’s rights.  The government arguably is facing an uphill battle both amongst its own citizens as illustrated in the letter to the government  and of course among the broader international community which trumpets individual women’s rights over collective rights based on regime preferences.   In the Syrian case, there is evidence that the government failed to uphold its constitutional commitments to work in favour of the population..only minority of population (shia alawite sect that Bashar Asad belongs to) benefited from certain economic policies . The fact that he did not follow through with constitutional provisions gives the uprising a solid ground, because we see where he has faltered, since there are actual formal written laws that he did not follow, which caused the population to revolt against his regime.

While the issue in Syria is that the citizens are trying to get rid of the regime altogether, in Saudi Arabia and Iran, the issue is to challenge the way the government views women’s rights  and Gay/Lesbian rights, focusing on two specific sub-groups of the population namely women in Saudi Arabia and Gay/Lesbian community in Iran.  Even within the Iran and Saudi Arabia cases there are differences. One main difference is the fact that in Iran homosexuality is not recognized as legitimate sexual identity therefore there are penal codes to punish such homosexual acts, I am sure this is the same reaction in Saudi Arabia since both countries rely on Sharia law in their legal system. However the difference is in the values that are attached to target populations in these cases studies. Homosexuality is considered more of a moral taboo in Islamic societies than the idea of women driving ( women driving in Iran is not considered an uncommon occurrence, eventhough it is considered immoral as in Saudi Arabia when a woman is in direct presence of a non-legitimate male, punishable by lashes and jail time) (http://jezebel.com/5060696/for-iranian-women-cars-represent-both-limitations-and-freedoms).  Unfortunately, even in western democratic societies homosexuals cannot fully integrate into dominant society, without some sort of discrimination from those in society that are less acceptive of individual rights associated with sexuality.   It seems as though youth in Iran are more vocal compared to other youth in the Middle East with regards to individual rights painted against religious fundamentalism. The Iranian youth seem to challenge the way in which the religion of Islam is understood with respect to individual rights, specifically homosexual rights in this case. As is illustrated by Asef Bayat, although dating opening had become a prime casualty of Islamic moral code, the young devised ways to resist, well to do young boys and girls made contacts not only at private parties and underground music concerts, but also in public parks, shopping malls and restaurants often arranged by cellphone  (Bayat 123). Also evidence indicated widespread premarital sex among Iran’s Muslim youths, despite the high risk of harsh penalties 1 out of 3 unmarried girls and 60% in Northern Tehran had sexual relations (Bayat 124).  It is interesting to see how the youth in Iran have used the method of subversive accommodation as mentioned by Bayat to accommodate their youthful claims. Example of this is the way North Tehrani youth treated the highly charged ritual of Muharram, which commemorates the death of Imam Hussein, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad. By inventing “Hussein parties”, these youth turned the sorrowful occasion into nights out on the town to stay up late and socialize (Bayat, 125). There is more of physical socialization between  youth both boys and girls and Gays and lesbians in Iran with technology such as cellphones and forums being used to arrange these meetings than in Saudi Arabia, where most interaction between opposite sex happens virtually ( Abulrahman, 123).  However the similarity is that both groups in Iran and Saudi Arabia find a sense of belonging in online communities since they seem like they may find more listeners to their concerns internationally and domestically and the forum within which to express is less restrictive (Abdulrahman 124). 

Sources:

Al Lily, Abdulrahman. "On Line and under Veil: Technology-facilitated Communication and Saudi Female Experience within Academia." Technology in Society 33 (2011): 119-27. Web.

Bayat, Asef. Life As Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2010. Print.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-16011926

http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/1679/letter-from-saudi-citizens-calling-on-king-to-free

http://jezebel.com/5060696/for-iranian-women-cars-represent-both-limitations-and-freedoms

Annotated Bibliography 

Instructions:

Compare and map your individual case studies with other members of your group. What are the similarities and differences amongst case studies in your particular geographical area? What factors contribute to the differences and similarities and why do they occur?

In terms of a deliverable for this stage, we would like to see some form of visual, such as a chart, that depicts the similarities and differences amongst your case studies. The chart should be followed by a collective summary and explanation of findings, up to a maximum of 5 pages. (We are open to other suggestions for ways of presenting information at this stage)

The group will also begin to compile an annotated bibliography at this stage (with a minimum of 5 academic sources from each member). (See this site for instructions on how to write and format an annotated bibliography)

Matrix:

Hey Guys. I started off creating a separate page for the comparison matrix. I took a lot of inspiration of Mina's work..well, I basically copied it.

Here it is: http://idsb10.pbworks.com/w/page/61030798/Arab%20and%20Non-Arab%20Comparison%20Matrix

Please try to fill the chart out. If you have any concerns just share.

Annotated Bibliography: http://idsb10.pbworks.com/w/page/61034311/Arab%20and%20Non-Arab%20Annotated%20Bibliography

Mapping:

I highlighted the countries of concern. I figured it was a good start and that if we want to be more detailed we can pinpoint the specific cities and areas later.

Individual Workspaces:

Saman Goudarzi's Workspace

Connor McCauley

Mina Waziri

Aftab Arif`s Work Space (dropped the course)